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FOREWORD
ARABS, AFRICA & ISLAM
THE KHOJAS (I)
THE KHOJAS (II)
THE
FEDERATION
THE EXODUS & AFTER
BILAL OF AFRICA
NOTES AND REFERENCES
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FOREWORD
 In
the name of Allah, the Merciful. Salawat upon the
Prophet, Hadhrat Muhammad and his progeny, the pure
and immaculate.
And upon his companions who were faithfully by his
side.
And upon all Muslims who believed in him without
ever having sight of him.
Maulana Syed Saeed Akhtar Razavi, in his capacity as
a Director of the Preparatory Committee of the first
Conference of World Ahlulbayt League (held in London
on 5th August 1983), requested me to prepare an
outline of the role of Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheris in
East Africa.
Brief excerpts from this paper were read before the
Conference. Full text was later submitted to the
Secretariat of the League.
As this paper was being sent to Press for
publication, additions were made, and some notes
were annexed. This is an outline, which can be given
a detailed treatment later. It is hoped that it will
enlighten many who are interested in the history of
the Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheris who lived in Africa.
This work is dedicated to –
a. All the Arab and Irani Missionaries who set foot
on the soil of India, and converted many Indians to
ISLAM.
b. All the Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheris who suffered
banishment, deprivation, injuries and death, in
India and East Africa, for the sake of their Faith.
They became a part of ISLAM and its history , "but
most of the people do not comprehend",
Asgharali M. M. Jaffer
London
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ARABS, AFRICA
AND ISLAM
The role of Shia Ithna-Asheris in Eastern Africa is
both impressive and interesting. But since it is a
part of the major role played by Islam in Africa, it
is imperative that we study the history of the first
contact of Islam with this very important continent.
There can be no doubt that the Arabs were the torch
bearers of Islamic propagation, and therefore, the
first Arab contact with Africa is a subject of our
prime attention.
It is commonly assumed that Arabs were drawn to
Africa after the advent of Islam. Records reveal,
however, that Arab influence can be traced as back
in time as 84 A.D. ( 1) There is an early guide to
trade and navigation called the "Periplus" compiled
by a Greek merchant seaman, which describes in
detail the voyage down the Red Sea and the African
coast of the Indian Ocean. From this 'Periplus' we
learn that the people inhabiting the coast were of
negroid stock, ruled by chiefs. But it also appears
that these chiefs had long been under some kind of
Arab suzerainty and there was already a
well-established trade carried by Arab and Indian
ships between Africa, Arabia and India. The book
says: "The people of Muza (in Southern Arabia) sent
thither many large ships, using Arab captains and
agents, who are familiar with the natives and
inter-marry with them."
Africa saw the first light of Islam in the days of
the Prophet himself, when a group of eleven men and
four women took refuge in Abyssinia, escaping the
rampant persecution in Mecca. As they explained
their faith to the King and the priests, reciting
Ayahs from the Surah of Maryam, tears rolled down
the cheeks of all who listened, shaking their heads
in awe and reverence.
Muslim historians have recorded how the King of
Abyssinia decided to send a delegation to Mecca, so
as to prepare a first hand report on the personality
and the message of the Prophet. The description of
their first encounter with the Prophet is inspiring
and moving. The Holy Qur'an, in its unique
rendering, describes how the delegation from Negasus
responded to the message of Allah. In Suratul Maeda,
Verse 83, Allah says:-
"
And when they hear what has been revealed to the
Prophet, you will see their eyes overflowing with
tears on account of the Truth that they recognize."
It is interesting to note that while the people near
and around the Prophet rallied against him, meting
out ill-treatment and persecuting his followers, a
group of people from across the sea, with a
different ethnic origin, belief and persuasion,
should be so receptive and responsive. Here, I wish
to make a pertinent observation on this historical
event. This brief encounter of Islam and Africa, in
Abyssinia and later in Mecca, is a significant
pointer to the African affinity to Islam. The point
I wish to stress is that Africa today is still
responsive and receptive to the great message of
Islam, in that it has a better appeal to the African
mind and spirit than any other religion known to
them. The relevance of Islam in Africa endures, but,
it requires a healthy, fresh impetus and stimulus.
The penetration of Islam in the African society
continued after the Prophet. The early record of
Islamic impact upon this important continent has
been meticulously preserved in the books of history,
ethnography and sociology. The interesting admixture
of social traditions, the emergence of new races by
interbreeding among Arabs and Africans, the effect
of Arabic upon the local African language, the birth
of new Arabic dialects in Africa- all bear testimony
to the great work completed by the Muslim Arabs.
The spread of Islam in Africa is one of the most
captivating chapters in the history of that
continent. It begins in the seventh century with the
conquest of North Africa, onwards to northeast
Africa, the Red Sea islands and the coast of
Eritrea. From the eleventh to the eighteenth
century, Islam spread through the Sahara Desert to
West Africa, and via the Nile to the Sudanese belt
and along the Coast of East Africa. The Northern
Sudan IS an example of total cultural assimilation
by the Arabs. Ibn Khaldun, visiting North and West
Africa in the 14th c.describes Mali as the centre of
A/moravid Berber empire established in the 11th c.
Many rulers of Mali made pilgrimage to Mecca,
maintaining diplomatic, scholarly and commercial
relations with the Islamic world.
The earliest known Arab settlement on the East
African coast is Pate, said to have been founded in
689 A.D. During the next 600 years, other cities
such as Lamu, Malindi, Mombasa and Kilwa were
founded and reached a high level of civilization;
until eclipsed by the Portuguese conquests in the
early 16th c. But the Arabs returned and ousted the
Portuguese in the early 18th c to commence a new era
of Islamic influence. (2)
Zanzibar's Kizimkazi mosque dates from 1107 A.D. and
the ruins of the 14th-15th c A.D., Mosques, houses
and palaces show that Arab influence was paramount.
The Arabs in East Africa spread Islam, introduced
coconut palms, casurinas and bougainvillea; they
planted mango trees in their scattered trading
stations providing a shade to many a village in the
Tanzanian interior. More important, they
intermarried with African people, the outcome being
the Afro-Arab race, and its famous "Swahili"
language. "Swahili", a loan word from Arabic Sawahil,
means coastal; it is basically Bantu, with many
borrowings from Arabic.
They taught the Africans how to read and write, a
gift which antedates in origin the English roman
script. They taught them the Holy Quran, and
encouraged them to memorize smaller chapters first.
In an interesting account of such one attempt
described by Arye Oded in his book 'Islam In
Uganda', we find a certain Ahmad Bin Ebrahim
teaching small suras to the ruler of Baganda in
Uganda. The local historians describe how the King
was taught "Kulauzu", "Birabinasi" and "Kuluwalulamo",
evidently referring to the chapters of AI-Falaq,
An-Nas, and AI-Ikhlas.
The Christian evangelists in parts of East Africa
made extensive use of Arabic for their propagation
work. There was a time when they wrote the Ten
Commandments in Arabic for Africans to read, and the
Catholic missionaries wrote their sacraments and
prayers in Arabic. In their letters to their
headquarters they pressed for books in Arabic as
there was a big demand for them among the African
chiefs. It was in the latter half of the 19th c that
they began to apply the roman script to Swahili.
The oldest preserved Swahili literature is in Arabic
script, dating from the early 18th c. Among the most
important Swahili epic poems preserved is the one
called "Huseni", containing 1209 stanzas, about the
life and martyrdom of Imam Husein. Its
representation in Swahili literature is of
particular interest for the study of Shi'ite school
in East Africa. (3)
It must be noted that Arabs did not spread Islam in
East Africa by use of force or by colonization. They
were traders, and along their trading routes, they
performed their religious rituals regularly. To an
inquisitive African, they inculcated Islam; and with
their own actions and deeds, their civility, their
polite demeanour, and with their amazing
adaptability to the local culture, they invited
Africans to the new fold. This was conversion
without coercion. The coast people, known as
Waswahili,- and also called Wangwana by Christian
missionaries, were taught by Arabs various crafts.
They became able artisans, masons, carpenters,
gardeners and boat builders. But most important of
all, they became zealous and enthusiastic
propagators of Islam.
The Christian missionaries also depended on these
coastal people for their services. But they were
specially angry when they discovered that the
Wangwana were usually very fanatical in their
Islamic faith much more so than the Arab traders,
and that some of them were even trying to convert
their fellow Africans. D.P. Jones of the London
Missionary Society, who worked in the interior of
East Africa, wrote to his headquarters on this
subject. He said, "You will agree that however
useful they may have been or may be in assisting us
to build our houses etc., the harm they do in
propagating their Moslem ideas and customs more than
counterbalances the more effective assistance they
can render us." (4 )
The early influence of the Post-lslamic Persia has
also been traced. It may well be true that the town
of Kilwa on the coast of Tanzania was founded by
migrants from Shiraz in Persia; during the 10 c A.D.
(5) A political party in Zanzibar formed under the
name and style of Afro-Shirazi Party was suggestive.
Further, a new year day is traditionally celebrated
by Swahili Community with great funfare. This day is
termed "Niruz", a persian word meaning "a new day."
This 'Niruz' was celebrated last month (July-1983)
in Mombasa, Kenya, as usual. The name of the head of
the Community was given as Sheikh Mohamed Salim
Shirazi. Besides, inspirations drawn from Persian
Islamic literature can easily be traced from the
early Swahili poetry.
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THE KHOJAS (I)
The arrival of Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheris and other
Shias coincides with the resurgence of Islamic
influence In the early nineteenth century. Although
Arabs had regained their rule in E. Africa by
driving out the Portuguese in the late 17th c their
ties with the coast of Africa were weak and nominal.
It was only in the reign of Sayyid Said Bin Sultan
who transferred his permanent residence from Oman to
Zanzibar 1n 1840, that the control became strong and
complete.
The importance of Sayyid Said to the history of East
Africa hinges on his energetic development of trade
between the coastal towns and the interior. In the
wake of Muslim traders came Islam to the interior,
followed in turn by the Christian missionaries and
the pioneers of the colonial powers.
The death of Sayyid Said in 1856 signified the
beginning of the decline in Arab influence, a
decline which continued until the colonial conquest
of the region by the British.
The colonial period created conditions which
generally were supportive of the Islamic influence
in East Africa, such as the opening of
communications, the establishment of order and
security along the transportation routes, and the
employment of Muslim clerks and functionaries by the
government. (6)
The circumstances in which the Shia settlement began
and took roots in E. Africa are indicative of their
courage and enterprising spirit - their ability to
make the most of the opportunities and to adopt and
assimilate the varying trends.
The Shia Ithna-Asheri population of East Africa
comprises chiefly of the Khojas. In a census carried
out by the Community in late fifties and then
repeated during sixties, the Khoja Shias in E.
Africa, Somalia, Zaire, (then Congo), Mauritius,
Reunion Island, and Madagascar numbered around
20,000. Besides, there were Shia Ithna-Asheris from
the Punjab, who were located in Nairobi, the capital
city of Kenya; numbering at one time, around 300. In
Zanzibar, a small community of Bahraini Shias,
consisting of Sadaat and others existed; and there
were Iranian Sadaat of Shushter extract- commonly-
knows as Shushtaries, and few other -all totalling
around 500.
According to the research paper written by Maulana
Syed Saeed Akhtar Razavi, in collaboration with
Professor King of Makerere University , Kampala,
Uganda, the Khojas arrived on the coast of E. Africa
in 1840. (71 The Shia Ithna-Asheris from the Punjab
were chiefly those recruited in the labour force for
the railway project in E. Africa, and Bahrainis and
Iranians came to serve the Sultans of Zanzibar after
they had made that island their headquarters from
1832 onwards. But the growing number of Sadaat was
mainly comprised of the descendants and relatives of
the resident Aa!im of Zanzibar , Syed Husain
Shushtari. The early Khojas came from Cutch and
Kathiawad. Their appearance in the East African
coast is attributed to several developments back at
home in India. It is said that these parts of India
were stricken with long years of famine, and
families lived below the subsistence level. Due to
unemployment and scarcity, many a young man left
this part of India in quest of new opportunities in
Bombay. For hundreds of years, Indians sailed down
to the East African Coast in their sailships during
the North Eastern Monsoon. The young, adventurous
Khojas were probably among these Indians, who stayed
behind in Africa to explore new opportunities and
possibilities for their livelihood.
Maulana Syed Saeed Akhtar Razavi in his paper
referred to earlier, gives a somewhat detailed
chronological and topographical order in which the
Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheris moved for settlement to
every nook and corner of E. Africa, and farther
still to Zaire, Mauritius and Madagascar. I quote:
"There appears to be a set pattern to their
movements. When any enthusiastic pioneer went into a
new place, other newcomers followed him so that they
might benefit from his experience and acquaintance
with the local people. It appears that there was no
jealousy among them, and well-established persons
helped the inexperienced to stand on their feet. New
arrivals from India usually came to Zanzibar and
after acquiring some information, ventured out to
other places. Sometimes, however, they disembarked
at Lamu, Mombasa or Dar-es-Salaam, and went from
there to the interior." (8)
While the new lands offered limitless opportunities
to the Khojas, the new environment and prevailing
influences called for an orientation. First,
Zanzibar was then ruled by the Sultans of Oman who
followed Ibadiyya sect; but the majority of the
people at the coast remained under the influence of
Shafei Arab merchants who had migrated from Hadramut.
.Second, the undeveloped Eastern Africa was totally
foreign to the Khojas - they did not know the
language, nor did they have any previous cultural
contact with the indigenous African. Before them lay
the vast, unexplored but inaccessible tracts of
lands into which even the adventurous Arabs did not
venture. Thirdly, it is a known fact that a number
of Khojas converted from Ismailies to Shia
Ithna-Asheri faith after their arrival in East
Africa. These were perhaps among the few pioneer
Shia Ithna-Asheris present in East Africa. (9) Thus,
one can safely conclude that most of these Khojas
were novices in complete sense of the term: new to
the place, and new to the faith. The atmosphere was
undoubtedly conducive to speculative and progressive
Khoja society, and it is in this light and vein that
an inquiry into their history must be made.
Wherever the Khojas settled, they soon formed
themselves into a Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheri community,
commonly known as the Jamaat, guarded by an
understandable sense of territorial jealousy. They
advised and assisted each other, and invited their
families, friends and fellow men from India to join
the venture. They engaged in religious activities,
first with modesty appropriate to their means; but
as their fortune grew, they became vigorously
activated. They built Mosques, Imambadas, Madressas,
Schools for secular education and created several
trusts for charity. (10) Under the subsequent German
rule in Tanganyika, British rule in other parts of
E. Africa, French rule in Madagascar, Italian rule
in Somalia, Belgium rule in the Congo and Portuguese
rule in Mozambique, the Khojas were subjected to a
variety of influences and experience. To an
inquisitive and objective investigator, it is not
difficult to trace a blend of Arab, African,
Persian, Indian and European cultures in the Khoja
Shia Ithna-Asheri Society in Eastern Africa. The
thrust of these influence was great, engendering a
fear in the minds of the Khoja of losing their
identity. It served to drive them farther inwards
into the precincts of their society, instead of
mobilizing any worthwhile change. Hence the
persistent perseverance by the Khojas to remain
within a well-knit framework of the Jamaat allowing
no intrusion.
During their stay in Africa South of Sahara, now
spanning out over nearly two centuries, the Khoja
Shia Ithna-Asheris have produced a number of men of
note and repute. In the earlier days, when modern
modes of transportation were practically
non-existent, they travelled on foot or on donkeys,
far and wide -establishing business centres, and
encouraging distributive trade. Due to their probity
and reliability, they were appointed as Agents for
various government services during the early period
of British rule. (11} They were among the importers
of commodities, exporters of produce and promoters
of agriculture. In short, their contribution to
development of the economy and the country at large
has been substantial. In the fields of politics,
social and cultural services, various professions,
and religion, the community produced men of great
abilities, whose services are on record, forming an
inalienable part of history.
The Jamaats functioned with a set of laws and
bye-laws drawn on democratic principles; It used to
be a democracy which would put British system to
shame. For while it provided rights and assigned
duties to all, it never had a penal code nor a
clause of punishment for the digressers or
dissenters. In a later development, one can see a
punishment clause in their constitution, but in
actual practice this was ineffectual because of the
intricate family ties and filial bonds which had
developed within the Community.
While the services offered by such Jamaats were
multiple and multifarious, they were predominantly
religious in nature. And it was in this sphere, that
the Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheris were able to produce
men of considerable talents and outstanding
abilities. In the early days when the Khojas were
indeed novices, the influence of Allama Haji
Gulamali Haji Ismail of Bhavnagar, India, was great.
He authored nearly 300 books, chiefly on the theme
of Islamic liturgy and ethics. His translation of "Meraju
Ssa'dah", for example, is known to have
revolutionized and transformed many a life in
Africa. His book of prayers, "Dua no Majmuo" runs
parallel in importance and utility to "Mafatihul
Jinan" by Sh. Abbas Qummi. That his services
promoted and preserved the Shia Ithna-Asheri faith
and knowledge in the Khoja society of Africa is an
undeniable fact. >From among the local people Mullas
of considerable abilities arose to teach and preach.
Prolific writers like Gulamhusein Mohamed Vali
Dharsi and Mohamedjaffer Sheriff Dewji were
acknowledged for their religious scholarship and
erudition even in India.
The great Mujtahid of lucknow, Syed Aqa Hasan Taba
Sarah conferred the title of ‘Hami-e-lslam' upon Gu/amhusein
Mohamed Valli Dharsi in 1910. Along with the
symbolic endowment of a turban and a shawl, he
wrote:
"In these days of the so called enlightenment, and
in the face of the Western inculcations, it is most
gratifying to find men like you who protect and
defend the Faith in the most appropriate
manner."(12)
Mohamedjaffer Sheriff Dewji wrote on diverse themes.
He covered religious as well as social subjects. He
has about twenty books to his credit, some of which
have been acclaimed as his masterpieces. He was
better known for his preaching which was in simple
Gujarati. In a style peculiarly his own, he held his
audience spellbound and fully engrossed during his
discourses. Two books by Mohamedjaffer Sheriff Dewji
– “Ruyate Hila/" and "Imame Zaman" were translated
into Urdu - a first example of Gujarati work to be
rendered into a language which was a principle
source of reference by Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheris.
These locally produced Mullas, because of their
voluntary undertakings to travel far and wide on
preaching missions, and also because of their common
ethnic origin, were able to render unique services.
Having grown up in Arab and African atmosphere at
the coast, and under the influence of Iraqi and
Indian Ulema most of these Mullas spoke Arabic,
Persian, Urdu, Kiswahili - apart from their own
mother tongues, with great ease, facility and
fluency. (13)
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THE KHOJAS (II)
The earliest attention paid to the Khoja Shia
Ithna-Asheris dates back to the days, of Sheikh
Zainul Abedeen Mazendarani in Iraq. Those were the
formative years, when certain Khojas had broken away
from the Aga Khan after realizing that their beliefs
and practices were not in accordance with Islamic
tenets. It is related that a group of Khojas led by
Dewjibhai Jamal came to Iraq to pay their homage to
the shrines of Imam Ali and Imam Hussain. While in
the presence of Sheikh Zainul Abedeen Mazendarani,
they were asked if they had already performed Haj.
In an answer which displays the then prevalent
attitude, and which remains characteristic of the
followers of the Aga Khan even today, they said that
they believed that the Ziyarats of Imams took
precedence over Haj. A gentle admonition from the
Ulama of Iraq awakened the Khojas to the Truth they
did not know, with the result that they made a
vehement appeal to Sheikh Zainul Abedeen Mazendarani
for a tutor to be sent to Bombay. A certain Indian
student, Mulla Qadir Husein, was sent by the Sheikh
to India in 1873 for the purpose of teaching the
Khojas the fundamentals and the obligatory rituals
of Islam according to the Shia Ithna-Asheri school.
This Mulla stayed in Bombay and remained in service
for 27 years, a period which is historically
important, though tumultuous, in the development of
Shia Ithna-Asheri faith among the Khojas. Some of
the students of Mulla Qadir Husein then travelled to
Zanzibar, and were responsible for the propagation
of faith among the Khojas in East Africa.
The Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheris in Eastern Africa will
ever remain indebted to the constant attention of
Ulema of Iraq and India for their religious
training. The Maraje' of Taqleed sent their
representatives to East Africa with a mission to
teach Fiqh, to publish the Amaliyyah in local
languages, to write religious tracts and treatises,
and to preach from Mimber. The speed with which
these representatives adapted themselves to the
local surroundings is amazing. Some of the Ulema
from Iraq are known to have learnt Gujarati and Urdu
so as to enable them to communicate with the masses
with ease and facility. Their command over these
languages, though not very impressive, was
tolerable. A group from amongst the Khoja Shia
Ithna-Asheris, who formed he majority of Shi'te
population in Eastern Africa, soon became able to
preach and teach religion to the members of the
Community, and to write scholarly works on various
religious topics in their own language. Apart from
this tangible result, there is another influence of
these earlier Ulema, which is subtle and tenuous.
They were men of piety, probity and virtue. Their
simple living, zeal and dedication and their clean,
immaculate and distinctive record of services to
Islam, all had a tremendous impact upon the minds of
the Shias. In this implicit manner, these Ulema
provided a life style and ethical rigorism agreeable
to Islamic code of conduct and behaviour.
Earlier in this century , beginning from the later
part of the second decade onwards, the Madrasatul
Waezeen of India started sending their missioneries
to East Africa. These missionaries were men of
profound learning, specially trained for preaching
and propagating the faith. They toured East Africa,
visiting various Jamaats of Shia Ithna-Asheris and
prepared a comprehensive report of their own
activities. But the nature of these visits was
expeditious, protracted for a few months during
which time some of them extended their visits to as
far south as Madagascar, and northwards to Somalia.
In early thirties, the need for resident Ulema was
felt, and Jamaats of East Africa, Madagascar and
Somnalia decided to have such services on a
permanent basis. The great learning institutions of
India, like Nazmia Arabic College and Madaris of
Lucknow, Jawadia Arabic College of Benaras and
others came to their rescue. The sympathetic and
patronizing regard by the great divines of India,
Aqa-e-Najmul Millat Syed Najmul Hasan Saheb, Taba
Sarah, Aqa-e-Nasirul Millat Syed Nasir Husein Saheb,
Taba Sarah, Aqa-e-Baqirul Millat Syed Mohamed Baqir
Saheb, Taba Sarah, and later on, Aqa-e-Syed Zafarul
Hasan Saheb Taba Sarah, Mufti Syed Ahmad Ali Taba
Sarah and Aqa-e-Syed Muhammed Taba Sarah, has left
an indelible imprint upon the developments of Shia
Ithna-Asheri school in these parts of Africa.
The earliest record of services by a resident Aalim
is to be found in Zanzibar where Agha Syed
Abdulhusein and Agha Syed Husein Shushtari were sent
by Agha-e-Yazdi and Agha Syed Abul Hasan Isfehani
from Iraq. Later on, we find Ulema from India
serving as resident Molvis in centres like Mombasa
in Kenya, Dar-es-Salaam in Tanganyika (now
Tanzania), Mogadishu in Somalia and Morondava in
Madagascar. Other smaller Jamaats followed in the
wake, and by 1958, there were more than 25 Ulema
stationed in East Africa, Somalia, Mauritius and
Madagascar. Needless to say that these men of
learning from India and now also from Pakistan,
gifted with fluency of Urdu and an eloquent style,
equipped with enough of what one might call ‘a Khoja
experience' gained from Bombay and at times Gujarat,
enjoyed great popularity. Thus, one can safely infer
that Shi'ite practice and piety in Africa was a
strategy carefully and lovingly managed by Iraq and
India, gradually turning it into the spontaneous
movements of the masses.
It is not my intention to pronounce any judgment on
the role played by these later Ulema; nor do I feel
qualified. In the course of time, however, as the
Molvis grew familiar with the local environment and
attitudes, as their recruitment became centrally
controlled, governed by a unified contract, and also
due to the human element involved on either side,
the Molvis and the laity, a set, rigid and defined
pattern of their role emerged. This was restricted
to leading daily prayers, occasional preaching,
solemnizing marriages and divorces, last rituals for
the dying or the dead, exorcising those overtaken by
the evil spirits, amulets and divining. The brunt
lay squarely on the shoulders of the Khoja Shias who
expected nothing more, and upon those Molvis who
found this a comfortable and convenient vocation.
With the passage of time, some thinking Khoja Shias
became aware and conscious of this dismally
monotonous role played by the Ulema, and were rudely
awakened to the need for change. This progressive
element began to express itself articulately and
persuasively. The sudden shift of attention occurred
chiefly because of two reasons. First, a wind of
change had started to blow across the continent of
Africa; the indigenous Africans demanding freedom
from the inhuman yoke of colonization. To a casual
observer, this may be a just another political
movement. But this was, in fact, a stage set to
change the very fabric, structure and attitudes of
the society, - especially that of non-African origin
- and Khoja Shias were no exception. The narrow
vision of the world, engendered by the jealously
guarded bouhds of communal entities, must change to
a wider and broader ' perspective. Secondly, and
more important, was the dichotomy caused by the
limited role of the Ulema. People were religious if
they attended the daily prayers - the preachings
during Ramadhan and Moharram, paid handsome
donations to one or another religious cause; but
beyond the precincts of the Mosque and the Imambada,
there was a territory foreign to the Ulema; which by
mutual understanding was not to be invaded or
trespassed.
Discussing the second reason that I have advanced,
mention must be made of the effects of the modern
World. And when I refer to the modern world, I speak
of the revolution in thought, politics and economics
which radically altered the material and social
conditions and the consciousness of people whose way
of life was structured by them. The picture of the
world presented in contrast with the influential
development all around, was neither relevant nor
recognizable. The dichotomy, therefore, was a
dichotomy by contradiction; a disjunction had been
created, and people were no longer living their
beliefs.
The demands made upon the Ulema and the Community at
large were very clear. The handful thinkers of
reform wanted them to recognize that Religion and
social order were interwoven, to an extent that it
was not clear where one ended and the other began;
that modernity had come in a package, not available
in its separate components and therefore it called
for an appraisal and adoption within the limits of
Sheriah; that a detached existence of Ulema among
the people they supposedly served was outmoded; that
the proper response for any behaviour considered to
be irreligious and undesirable was not for merely
impute moral responsibility to the doer, but to
locate the cause of action by empirical
investigation of the social and psychological
circumstances of the individuals; that the message
of Ahlul Bayt was not an exclusive preserve of any
one community, group or class.
As these novel ideas suffered the pangs of labour, a
young Aalim from India set his feet on land in Dar-es-Salaam,
Tanzania. With an analytic bent and genius, vast
knowledge and readiness to meet with the new
challenges, this young Aalim was destined to set the
wheels of change moving. He was Maulana Syed Saeed
Akhtar Razavi. Whether he himself was aware of the
new directions to which the Shia Ithna-Asheri
Community of Eastern Africa was being led by his
efforts, and , whether his efforts were intentional
and thus motivated, is difficult to ascertain. But
that his arrival heralded a new era in the Shi'ite
Society of East Africa is indisputable. Among the
Ulema who now remained to discharge their set role,
he was perhaps the first to walk down briskly from
the elevated pedestal of mere adoration. Maulana set
himself to learning Kiswahili, the lingua franca of
Tanzania and Kenya, and language of adoption in
Uganda, Zaire, Coastal parts of Madagascar, Comore
Islands and boundaries of Somalia. With great
diligence, he perfected his English. He was now
equipped and prepared to meet with the new demands
in which he himself was a fervent and ardent
believer. This was indeed very important; for the
new venue of service was not imposed upon him; it
was charted by himself.
The impressive performance by Maulana Razavi
received a great impetus from the society which was
now becoming fully aware of the creeping changes all
around. Whether the East African Khoja Shia
Ithna-Asheris contributed to the making of Maulana
what he became is a matter of meticulous study. One
thing is certain. No great and substantial change is
wrought in a vacuum. While some of the members of
the Khoja Shia society remained wary and scrupulous
about the missionary undertakings beyond the
community, the impact of the protagonists and their
influence had a distinct effect on the majority.
From this group of thinkers and enthused men,
Maulana gleaned enough support to proceed. It is
safe, perhaps, to assume that the exercise was
reciprocal. Society was preparing to countenance the
demands of the changing times, viewing the role of
Ulema in a different perspective and becoming alive
to its responsibilities towards Allah and His
message. This was undoubtedly conducive to an
unforeseen situation. Maulana Razavi set out to meet
the challenge, and in so doing, demonstrated his
talent and genius which made him famous throughout
the Shia world as a dedicated missionary and a
scholar of great repute. It is for this reason that
in certain thinking quarters of the Khoja Shia
Ithna-Asheris of East Africa, it is firmly held that
they must be given the due credit for having
discovered Maulana Razavi .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . .
THE FEDERATION
As the community grew in size and number, at the
East African Coast, and at the remote interior, a
need to obviate the difficulties caused by
dispersion became a focus of attention. From early
thirties of this century and onwards, writers and
thinkers began to promulgate an idea of forming a
central organisation to which these Jamaats would be
affiliated, thus instilling a sense of common
belonging and creating a social interaction.
Among the first thinkers who wrote about the need of
a common platform was Marhum Abdulhusein Sachedina "AZAD",
editor of the Gujarati monthly, "MUNADEE". "MUNADEE"
means 'a herald'. In 1932, this reticent but
profound thinker wrote an editorial in his monthly,
appealing to leaders of major Jamaats to awaken and
rise to the changing times. He can be safely called
the first visionary who saw the ailing society, and
suggested a remedy with clarity. His powerful pen
heralded a new era. (14)
Marhum Azad had a style which was quite appealing.
With almost complete command over his subject, he
wrote poetically, gracefully and with enviable
coherence. In this editorial which he penned in
1932, he says:
"lthna-Asheri
Society today is overwhelmed by layers of
backwardness and retrogression. These layers have
been building up for the last several years, and
continues even today. The horizon is bleak and dark,
and nowhere is a ray of light to be seen. The ship
of our community is drifting aimlessly and
helplessly in a vast ocean, and none can predict
when it will perish against the rocks. This is not a
figment of imagination by a poet, or empty,
fictional verbiage by a writer. Those who care to
spare a moment or two to make an appraisal, will
agree that our words portray an exact and accurate
picture of the prevailing situation."
And then he proceeded to enumerate the ills of our
society, condemning the time worn, sometimes
outlandish, traditions and social norms which he
believed must be shunned. He described how the
community was scattered in the remote parts of East
Africa, gradually becoming disorganized, losing
contact with the mainstream of the Ithna-Asheri
society. Mincing no words, he held the leaders of
the major Jamaats responsible for the pathetic state
of affairs, "Progress without reform and
organization is difficult. We need a strong,
fortified set of laws which should bring about order
and discipline in all our Jamaats, big and small,
and should open up the stifled path of progress and
advancement. This has got to be our goal, and the
easiest way to achieve this is to form a Central
Council of the Shia Ithna-Asheri Community in East
Africa",
he wrote. In response to this editorial, Marhum
Abdulhusein Nurmohamed wrote a letter which was
published in "MUNADEE" in January 1933.
He supported the editorial, and gave a detailed
programme for such a Central Council, should it ever
be established. The letter shows that he clearly saw
the use of such an organized, central body, and that
he was gifted with a sense of direction to which, he
thought, the community could be led. No wonder he
was elected the first President of the Central
Council when it was finally formed twelve years
later .
Marhum A. H. Nurmohamed was a public figure, his
services extending beyond the precincts of our
community. Amiable, soft- spoken, polite and
affable, he was a master of his temperament, in
every sense a gentleman, who could keep his head
while others around him lost theirs. He laid the
foundation masterfully, and left his marks as a
farsighted and dedicated leader. Tribute must be
paid to his able Honorary Secretary, Marhum Haji
Gulamhusein Nasser Lakha who stood by his side
through all the teething troubles of the early days.
Marhum G. N. Lakha, despite his tendency to act as
one in a secondary position, was the hub of the
wheel.
In 1945, the leaders of the Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheri
Jamaats of East Africa met In Dar-es-Salaam to
approve the idea, and form an adhoc committee for a
Constitutional Conference which was convened in the
ensuing year, again at Dar-es-Salaam. In 1961,
Jamaats in Somalia, Madagascar, Mauritius, Zaire and
Mozambique were brought under the wings of this
Federation, and the central organization ,
metamorphosed from East African into African
Federation.
The second President of the Federation was Marhum
Haji Abdulrasul Haji Nasser Virjee. Though he hailed
from a pioneer family which had once established its
trade branches all over East Africa, he was little
known outside Mwanza where he lived. Behind the veil
of reticence and aloofness, was a man gifted with
the philosophical attitude, staid habits and clear,
incisive thinking. He was a man of few words. In his
inaugural Presidential address delivered at the
second Conference held in Mombasa in 1949, the
values in his life emerge clearly defined and his
words show him as a figure towering high, a lone
traveler, a detached spectator. His term of office
was short and uneventful. History may judge him as a
right man in the wrong place.
The most vigorous and active President of the
Federation was Marhum Haji Ebrahim Husein Sheriff
Dewji. He hailed from a family which is known for
its religious services, and for its devotion as well
as brilliance.
At the end of 1958, the Federation needed a
redeemer. Marhum Haji Ebrahim then provided a
leadership which has remained unequalled till today.
Unfortunately, he was also one of the most
misunderstood leaders of our community. Or was it
all because of envy which he evoked ? There was
hardly any challenge he could not meet, hardly any
hostile strategem he could not surround, hardly any
difficulty he could not surmount. He died in 1964 at
the age of 41, while still in office.
The path blazed by Haji Ebrahim needed a sustainer.
Marhum Haji Mohamedali Meghji, who succeeded Haji
Ebrahim as a President, was a man of matchless calm
and composure. Despite his advancing age and frail
health, he proceeded to work for the Community with
devotion and diligence. He jealously guarded the
seeds sown by his predecessors, nursed them and saw
them bloom before he died in 1973 while still in
office.
The ability to create an effective unified
organization of nearly 72 Jamaats, further enabled
the Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheris of Africa to grow from
a conceptually static and arid society into the one
more vigorous and discursive. Anew hierarchy placed
greater responsibilities upon the leaders, giving
them a wider perspective. New paths were blazed, and
new venues of services were explored and adopted.
Among the pronounced features are the centralization
of Funds, controlled movements of Molvis, unified
syllabus for all Madressas, providing assistance to
the needy, planning economic upliftment of the less
fortunate members, and giving educational aid to
those intending to go overseas for religious as well
as secular higher studies. The growth of closer ties
between the individual members of the constituent
Jamaats, commercial as well as social, was, of
course, a natural outcome of the increasing
interaction, acquaintance and contact brought about
by frequent meeting of the Federation. The
Federation works through the instrumentality of the
Supreme Council which meets every year , and the
tri-annual Conference. The administrative ability
and discipline generally displayed by this community
has been looked upon with great admiration by the
sister communities in Africa. Of particular interest
is the appreciation shown by the Maraie' Taqleed
like Ayatullah Syed Muhsin Et-Hakirn Taba Sarah, and
Ayatullah Syed Abut Qasim El-Khui in diverse
manners. The Khoia Shia Ithna-Asheris were frequent
visitors to the holy shrines in Iraq and Iran, and
to the great Mujtahedeen there. However, it was
quite apparent that this acquaintance was peripheral
and very formal. The first intimate relationship
between the Marja' of Taqleed and the Khoja Shia
Ithna-Asheri Community of Africa and their
recognition as an active and united Shia people were
visible during the times of Ayatullah El-Hakim, when
the then President of the Federation, Late Haji
Ebrahim Husein Sheriff Dewji made a detailed
representation. The Community will ever remain
grateful to Ayatullah El-Hakim and Ayatullah El-Khui
for their spiritual guidance and for their continued
care and concern.
Whether the establishment of the Federation was a
sign of far-sightedness of the leaders, or a mere
fear of decadence, or result of a sense of
insecurity felt in an adopted land, is a very fine
point of scholastic sociology; especially so, one
would think, in contrast with the parent Jamaats. of
Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheris in the sub-continent of
India who, in spite of their greater number and
dispersal, never federated. One thing, however, is
certain. The Federation prepared, inadvertently
though, the Khoja Shias of Africa to find a new role
in the World which was rapidly changing with the
technological advance, scientific outlook, and
political upheavals.
Beginning from 1964 with the revolution in Zanzibar,
the demands upon the Federation became greater. It
had to undertake the unprecedented task of
rehabilitating the displaced and uprooted members,
caused by political changes. And so, in 1972, when
Asians in Uganda were asked to leave the country for
good, the Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheri settlement in
Uganda disappeared. This dismemberment, besides
causing untold miseries to the affected families,
placed the Federation face to face with a hitherto
unconceived situation. The great one-third limb was
now amputated, and while World agencies and
governments came to the rescue of the Ugandan
refugees on humanitarian basis, the Federation set
itself busily to assist its Community members
dutifully.
Needless to say that Shia people from Africa thought
of migration. This time the reasons were political
rather than economical. In the wake of Uganda
exodus, Khoja Shias from other parts of Africa
girded up their loins to pre-empt anything similar
happening to them. Within a space of four years
after 1972, many Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheris of Africa
found their new homes in England, the U.S.A.,
Canada, other European countries, the Middle East-
with a section of them back home in India or
Pakistan. Their ties with the Federation of Africa
gradually became weaker, despite being constantly
haunted by the memory of the Sweet and happy days in
Africa.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . .
THE EXODUS ….
and after
The dislocation of Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheris from
Uganda, coupled with a steady migration from other
parts of Eastern Africa, and Madagascar, had a
traumatic effect on the Community. Within the
society, the tremors were unmistakably felt, and the
psychological effects upon the minds and morals of
the people were great and telling. The most
remarkable feature of these new settlements,
however, is that no sooner did they settle down in
the new lands, than they began organizing themselves
in the same old fashion as that of Eastern Africa.
Here again there were Jamaats, based on nearly the
same type of constitution, and religious projects
receiving the same attention as before. Within a
very short period, buildings for Mosques, Imambadas
and Alim quarters were either purchased or built.
The cost of such undertakings had risen inexorably,
and the capital investments in Eastern Africa stood
in no comparison. Yet, the projects were completed
successfully.
In order to recompense the terrible loss sustained
as a result of the expulsion and forced migration it
was absolutely necessary to re-enact an external
surrounding compatible to the acquired living
habits. Mosques and Imambades served to mitigate the
distress, gave a feeling of having partly recovered
what had been lost, and, of course, provided a
spiritual comfort so necessary for the depressed
souls. To this end, money poured in copiously. Was
it an urge to pay any price for spiritual comfort?
Or was it a religious zeal whipped up by frenzy? Or
both, or perhaps neither? Perhaps it was only a pure
intention to remember Allah and submit to His will
and pleasure against all odds and adversities.
In 1975, a meeting was convened in London to discuss
the need of a central organization, this time not
only for the Community in the West, but for the
entire Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheri population of the
World. In exactly the same fashion as it was done
thirty years ago, an ad hoc committee prepared a
draft Constitution for approval and adoption by the
Conference c'onvened for the purpose in the ensuing
year, and thus the World Federation of Khoja Shia
Ithna-Asheri Muslim Communities was born.
Compared to the Federation of Africa, the World
Federation is still in its infancy. But the
contributions made by the experienced leaders from
East Africa has enabled it to acquire stability
earlier than expected. Jamaats in proximity of each
other and in close regional locations were advised
to form their own Federations, so that the World
Federation could be promoted to a status of
Confederation. At present, there are three
Federations who enjoy representative memberships on
the World Federation. First, of course, is the
Federation of Africa, and next in line is the
Federation of the Jamaats in North America. The
third Federation is of the Jamaats in Cutch and
Kathiawad, known as the Gujarat Federation. Where
there are no such Federations, the Jamaats and other
constituted Shia organizations have been granted
memberships. The services of the World Federation
are currently streamlined to the projects, as and
when they are brought for consideration. But there
are a few original projects like the group marriages
in India among Sadaat and the Khoja Shia
Ithna-Asheris, rehabilitation of Shia people in
India, their economic upliftment, grants towards
capital funds needed for religious buildings, in the
East and in the West, housing schemes, and above
all, planning and financing such projects which are
meant for maintaining and disseminating religious
practices and knowledge with a special emphasis upon
the Jamaats in the West.
In these days of turmoil and upheavals, the World
Federation has kept itself abreast of the
developments in the Muslim world. Though not
politically attuned, it has remained alive to the
needs of the Ummah at large, and has contributed
whatever it could to the brothers in need and
distress. There have been instances when this World
Federation has raised voice of protest against the
oppressors on behalf of Mustadhafeen from various
countries. (15)
The World Federation is currently based in London.
There is a much advertised moral question facing
this organization, mention of which is now
absolutely necessary. Should the Khoja Shia
Ithna-Asheris remain conscious of their own ethnic
origin, faithfully and jealously guarding their
bounds against all encroachments? Is it not high
time for them to forget their nomenclature, and join
the mainstream Islamic organizations? Better still,
if they have the fund of experience in
organizational work, would it not serve the Shia
Ummah better if they opened their doors to all
regardless of their ethnic origin? Is it morally
justifiable to remain detached and self complacent,
looking at the suffering outsiders with a passive
condescention ? To all this, the Khoja Shia
Ithna-Asheris are repeatedly invited to answer. They
are not more than 100,000 people all the world over.
However, the demands made upon them by the majority
of the Shiah brothers to assimilate and accept all
into their organizational fold is a pointer to their
organizational ability and their achievements, if
nothing else. The patronizing regard by the present
Majia'e Taqleed Ayatullah Syed Abul Qasim El-Khui
towards the World Federation is a matter of great
pride an satisfaction. The preservation and
promulgation of Islam according to the teachings of
Ahlul Bayt had become a matter of prime concern for
the Maraje' since the times of Ayatullah Syed Husein
Burujardi, and Ayatullah Syed Muhsin El-Hakim, and
continues to be so in the present times. The World
Federation is among those agencies which fulfill
desires of the Marja' in this respect.
The services of the World Federation are by no means
restricted the Khoja Shias. And yet, the field of
service to its own member immeasurably vast. It has
just begun to touch the fringes. Let us hope that in
the course of time, after attending to the urgent
needs, this organization is able to participate
meaningfully in the mainstream Shia organizations
and maintain a vocal as well as reciprocal
relationship.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . .
BILAL OF AFRICA
With the passage of time, the emergence of new
patters, tendencies and values brought about by the
new social environment, the Federation became
gradually aware of its responsibility towards
propagation of Faith outside the Khoja Community.
This awareness was not prompted by any selfish
motive. The urge for spreading the mission was now
genuinely believed to be their burden. But at least
a decade before the Federation ever thought in this
direction, that is in the mid-fifties, Mulla Husein
Alarakhya Rahim wrote in the Zanzibar-based,
religious, Gujarati periodical 'SALSABIL' about the
need to spread the message of Ahlul Bayyt among the
indigenous inhabitants of the Continent. in 1964,
Ayatuullah Syed Muhsin EI-Hakim Taba Sarah gently
admonished the leaders of the Khoja Shia
Ithna-Asheris for their self-centred, proprietory
and possessive frame of mind. He directed them to
preach the Truth to the African masses, and thus to
absolve themselves of their sacred responsibility to
Allah Almighty. In the year 1962, and later in 1964,
Maulana Syed Saeed Akhtar Razavi submitted a pilot
scheme and a detailed memorandum on the missionary
activities before the Conference of the Federation
convened at Tanga, Tanzania. The 1964 memorandum was
received with mixed feelings, but was ultimately
adopted as a policy by an appreciable majority. This
is how a new field of activity appropriately named
BILAL MUSLIM MISSION,
after the great African companion of the Prophet,
and first Muazzin of ISlAM, HAZRAT BILAL, may Allah
bestow upon him His pleasure, was begun.
Studying the African response to the Shi'ite
propagation and its evaluation is a subject
requiring an extensive research. But it will not be
out of place to record that the previously
prevailing impression that Shi'ite faith was
exclusively Indian has now been eradicated. The bias
and prejudice with which the Shias were held has now
been replaced with a fair and balanced attitude.
The scope of the Bilal Muslim Mission is vast and
has many facets. It must be graciously admitted that
the people with whom it deals need religious as well
as temporal care and attention. In the wake of
spreading the teachings of the 'THAQALAIN', the Holy
Qur'an and the : Ahlul Bayt, the need for social,
educational and economic services could not escape
our perception, and Islam being a complete code of
life, demanded explicitly that such a comprehensive
programme be instituted. To this end, the late
Professor Khwaja Mohamed Latif Ansari of Pakistan,
had drawn the attention of the Community in his
memorable address delivered at Arusha Conference in
December 1958.
The Africans have their own rich cultural traditions
and ancient history of which they are rightly proud.
At he same time in their search for the Truth, and
in their efforts to identify themselves with the
modern world, they are keen and least resistant.
When an African embraces a new faith, he generally
does so with absolute conviction and with no
ulterior motives. Therefore, when I speak of the
scope of the Bilal Muslim Mission, I do not merely
speak of their expectations; I speak also of our
responsibilities.
An African is an avid and voracious reader. He reads
whatever comes in his way, so as to learn and know
more and more.
The Bilal Muslim Mission started its first Swahili
Publication "Sauti Ya Bilal" (The Voice of Bilal) to
cater for the Swahili readers. And then there was an
English periodical, 'The Light' which now enjoys
global readership. To its credit, the Mission has
several Kiswahili and English books written on a
wide range of Islamic topics. Apart from two centres
in Tanzania and Kenya, it has nearly 25 Madressas in
East Africa, which are managed by the Shia African
Muballegheen originally trained in the centres. The
number of African converts in Tanzania. Kenya,
Burundi and Madagascar may safely be estimated at
40,000. Both the centres run a successful
correspondence course which has a substantial
enrolment of African students some from as far as
West Africa. At least one Primary School for secular
education of . African boys and girls is known to
have been built by the Bilal Muslim Mission. This
school in Kenya, is classed among the best primary
schools at the Coast. Many African converts were
given employment and some of them were trained for
various vocations enabling them to become self
employed. However, the efforts in this sphere cannot
termed satisfactory.
The Maraje' Taq/eed, Ayatullah Syed El-Hakim and
Ayatullah,Syed El~Khui have attached great
importance to the activities of the Mission, and
have expressed their full support; blessing the
Federation with their earnest prayers. In 1968,
Ayatullah El-Hakim graciously admitted African
students from East Africa to the Hawza in Najaf but
due to the fast deteriorating conditions, they were
transferred to Lebanon - some of them under the care
of Syed Mohamedhusein Fazlullah -and later on to Qom,
Iran. Among the African students in Iran; we have
some who are from Burundi, Uganda, Madagascar and
Comore Islands.
It is not possible, within the limited time at my
disposal, to enumerate all the activities of the
Bilal Muslim Mission in detail. Among the great
changes it has wrought in the Khoja Shia
Ithna-Asheri Community is a fact that it spurred and
prompted the Khoja boys and girls to engage in the
advanced religious studies. With the African boys
and girls in Iran today, we have a number of Khoja
Shia Ithna-Asheri students - all busily pursuing
higher religious education.
As I have mentioned earlier, the incessant and
untiring efforts and contributions by Maulana Syed
Saeed Akhtar Razavi in this direction have been
decisive and of great import. His knowledge of
Swahili and English enabled him to offer his
services without any undue hesitation. He was
appointed Chief Missionary of Bilal Muslim Mission -
an apellation signifying the new role of an Aalim
among the Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheris. For the first
time in its history, the Community lent its credence
to this new appointment and realized that the
function of an Aalim could be much more beneficial,
varied and discursive.
To this August Conference (16) attended by the Ulema
and intellectuals of ISLAM, I venture two
submissions. First, that the Shia Ithna-Asheri
Community of Africa has undergone a dispersal, and
is now widely scattered in the West. The influence
of ISlAM has got to be compatible with the inroads
of anti-ISLAMIC influence, and the pace has got to
be equal if not greater. I hope and earnestly pray
that this Ahlul Bayt League, with its high aims and
noble objects will, with the aid of modern amenities
and new approach, attend to this dire need, giving
it a preferential dispensation. The programme need
not be for Shias of Africa alone, for the problem
faces all Muslims, and is expected to endure if not
remedied in time.
The idea of leadership by Ulema is not a novel one.
One can see such leadership provided by them in the
history of Iraq, Iran, Syria, Lebanon and India. In
modern times, we have seen it function in the
Islamic Republic of Iran. With the establishment of
this League, a new era has dawned, with our
expectations running high. I hope that this
leadership will not be restricted to leading of the
daily prayers, occasional preaching, solemnizing
marriages and divorce, last rituals for the dying or
the dead, exorcising of those overtaken by the
so-called evil spirits, amulets and divining. We
hope that this leadership will conjoin the Islamic
hope of heaven with justice on earth. Secondly,
please do not forget Africa. Africa needs your prime
attention. The faint but reasonant recitation from
the Holy Our'an in the court of Negasus reverberates
even to-day. Every African can become a replica of
BILAL who once told the Prophet:
"And when virtue is mentioned in our mids, we cite
you as an example"
And the Ayah of Our'an, I recited earlier,
“And when they hear what has been revealed to the
apostle, you will see their eyes overflowing with
teachers on account of the truth that they
recognize” Al-Maedah (5:83)
holds good even today.
Wassalaam.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . .
NOTES AND
REFERENCES
(1.) Encyclopaedia Britannica1972. Vol. I P.300 (a!so
Vol. 21 p.476)
(2) Ibid 1972 Vol. 21 p.476
(3) Dr. Jan Knappert's article "AL-HUSAIN IBN ALl IN
THE EPIC TRADITION OF THE SWAHILI"
published among the selected articles in "ALSERAT"
(1975-83) by the Muhammadi Trust of Great Britain
and Northern Ireland, London. It discusses Hemedi b.
Abdallah al-BUHRY'S UTENZI wa Sayyidna HUSENI bin
ALl, (edited and translated by J.W. T. Allen) Dar es
Salaam, 1965. Relying upon the information on names
and dates given by Mr. J.W. T. Allen, Dr. Knappert
says:
"The poet of the Swahili epic about al-Husain's
tragic death was called Hemedi (the Swahili form of
Ahmad) bin Abdallah al-BUHRY whose family settled in
Tanga in the 1820s … Some of these epics were in
fact actually composed by his grandfather, Sai'd b.
Abdallah who died c.1875. The al-Buhry family is
known throughout Tanzania for their scholarship and
saintly lives."
Quoting from the epic, which seems to be a different
composition from the one referred to as 'HUSENI',
Dr. Knappert provides examples of the Swahili
Utenzi.
Describing the lax morals of Ibn Ziyad, the poet
says:- "Mwenye mke si mkewe mwenye mwana si mwanawe
ni kama kuku na mwewe."
(He that has a wife- not his wife, he that has a
daughter- not his daughter -it is like the chicken
and the kite).
Dr. Knappert explains:
"This is a perfect example of classical Swahili
style: compact and expressive. The poet means that
anyone in the city who has a beautiful wife and
daughter is in danger of seeing her raped by the
tyrant, who will behave just as the kite behaves
with the chicken. The kite is a common image in
Swahili for the adulterer, the rapist; the chicken
is the metaphor for a virtuous woman, full of fear
of being attacked."
On Muslim b. Aqeel when he was deserted by the
people of Kufa:
"Akatizama yamini asimuone awini
akiola shimalini asione nusurani. "
(When he looked South he saw no helper;
when he looked North he saw no rescue).
Imam Husein (A.S.) bidding farewell to the ladies of
the family:
"Kamkalia
Farasi Kinga umeme wa Kusi,
na wingu kubwa jeusi , lenye kiza na baridi. "
(He sat on his horse, like the lightning that
accompanies the South wind
with a big black cloud, dark and cool) .
"Akasimama
Huseni Kawaaga nisiwani
kwa herini, kwa herini, nenda zangu sitarudi. "
(Husein stopped and said goodbye to the women
“Adieu, adieu, I go and shall not return)
"Wakalia na majini na nyama wote yakini
wa bara na baharini hata ndege na asadi. "
(Even the jinn cried and all the animals indeed,
of the land and (the fish) of the sea, even the
birds and the lions).
(4) Islam in Uganda by Arye Oded. Printed by Israel
Universities Press, Jerusalem, 1974. (Page 232).
(5) Encyclopaedia Britannica 1972 Vol. I p. 301.
(6) Islam in Uganda by Arye Oded.
(7) A footnote from this paper reads as follows:-
"
White Noel King was Professor of Religious studies
at Makerere University College, Kampala, they
(Razavi and King) met at Bukoba in 1963, and
collaborated in study through correspondence with
yearly meetings at Kampala.
The earlier limit (1840) relates to the commencement
of new Indian activity in East Africa with the
settling of Sultan Seyyid Said at Zanzibar. The
authors gratefully acknowledge assistance in
gathering material from Ahmad Jetha and Mohsin M.R.
Alidina."
(8) After describing further inroads of the
Community into the interiors of Tanganyika and
Uganda Maulana Razavi adds the following at the
footnote:-
"The topographical details given are mainly based on
visits to many of the places mentioned and the
Ithna-Asheri Trade Directory (in Gujarati) (Arusha
and Dar es Salaam: Shia Ithna- Asheri Supreme
Council, 1960)".
(9) Some Iranian individuals ventured into Uganda
from as early as the dawn of this century. The
Directory and History published by the Federation of
Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheri Jamaats of Africa (1960)
gives this interesting account as narrated by Marhum
Laljibhai Rawji of MBALE:
"in those days (i.e. 1922) there was an Iranian
gentleman named Muhammed Baqir living here. He was a
good hunter, and he traded in ivory and other
produce. He built two rooms annexed to his house,
where majlises were held regularly. He died in 1925.
Mr. Muhammed Baqir Irani was truly a religious
person, and had infused profound religious fervour
into our brothers. He was also a great social
worker. In 1919, during the famous epidemic of
Influenza, people were very much frightened. But
Muhammed Baqir continued to serve bravely, and
distributed free medicines to all."
(Directory and History referred to earlier -p.75)
Another reference to the presence of an Irani in
Uganda is found in the article by Maulana Syed Saeed
Akhtar Razavi published in the 'LIGHT' magazine,
(BILAL MUSLIM MISSION, TANZANIA) Vol. VII Nos. 5-6
1973, under the title: " A Chapter Closed - Shia
Ithna-Asheriya ot Uganda." He says:-
"In those early days (the year 1900) there came (to
Kampala) an Irani Mirza Asadullah Khan whose name
was still remembered by the Community for his
valuable social services and good nature. He started
a transport business using ox carts in partnership
with an African chief. He was very popular among
African and married a Muganda lady with all due
tribal ceremonies."
(10) Various waqfs and endowments by the Khoja Shia
Ithna-Asheris of East Africa reveal their prime
concern about perpetuation of their faith. They also
show that enough importance was attached to the
secular needs of the Community. Many Trusts and
Awqaf were made possible by general gifts and
donation received from the members. In certain
cases, the Trusts and endowments have been given the
names in memory of those who gave a generous measure
of their wealth. The Alibhai Panju Jaffery Primary
School in Mombasa, Kenya, is an example.
Here I give the names of those benefactors who gave
away their wealth in the name of Allah, at the time
when the Shia settlement in East Africa had just
begun.
(i) Dewjibhai Jamal. The tracts of land given away
as WAQF for Mosques, Imambadas and Qabrastan (Mombasa,
Nairobi, Lamu) and some investment properties for
related Trusts bear the name of Dewjibhai Jamal, and
his illustrious sons, Sheriff Dewji, Jaffer Dewji,
Nazerali Dewji, Nasser Dewji and others. In fact,
there is hardly a name among his descendents who has
not made a minor or major contribution to one or the
other religious cause. This can rightly be called a
family of benefactors.
Their contributions can be seen in India as well. In
East Africa, they also attended to the religious
needs of the Community in Zanzibar, and in what is
today Tanzania.
.
(ii) Satchu Peera: A great benefactor of Dar es
Salaam who tried his best to secure a piece .of land
for the Mosques arid then personally supervised its
construction. He gave away his land for the
Qabrastan.
(iii) Jaffer Khimji: He was one of the donors of the
plots for Mosque and Imambada in Tanga. The others
were his brother Haji Abdulla Khimji and Haji Nasser
Virji. Jaffer Khimji built the Mosque in Tanga in
1925. He had a famous MEHMAN KHANA (guest house)
where visitors could come at any time for respite.
It was a common sight to witness several guests at
his dinner table, most of whom were not even
acquainted with him.
(iv) Ladhabhai Meghji: He gave his plot for the
Mosque in MWANZA.
(v) Datu Hemani: He left enough money for a Girls'
school in Zanzibar. It was known as Datu Hemani
KANYA SHARA.
(vi) Nasser Nurmohamed: He left a legacy to be
utilized for a charitable Dispensary in Zanzibar.
(vii) Haji Mohamed Jaffer of Lindi: whose name is
foremost among the great philanthropists of Khoja
Shia Ithna-Asheri Community. The great Boarding
House for students, built in Dar es Salaam, stands
as a monument to his generosity.
(viii) Haji Jeevrajbhai Meghji: whose outstanding
religious charities stand till today in Mombasa and
Lamu. Together with Haji Jeevrajbhai Khatau and Haji
Dharamsibhai Khatau, they settled substantial
endowments for Mosques, Imambadas and Qabrastans.
(ix) Haji Abdulla Kanji and Fazal Ladak Sivji waqfed
a Musafirkhana in Mombasa.
(x) Khimji Bhanji: who gave the first Imambada to
Kampala Jamaat. In the interiors of Uganda, names
like Kassam Mohamed (Hoima), Ahmad Bhimji (Fort
Portal), G.R. Hansraj (Soroti), Allarakhya Kassam,
Jamal Ramji, Karabhai Valli (Kampala), Haji
Gulamhusein Ladha and Hasanali Salemohamed
(Kaberamaedo), Haji Merali, H.K. Jaffer and Suleman
Esmail (Jinja) and many others rank among the
selfless and dedicated benefactors.
This list is not in anyway exhaustive. Many great
names can be added to it. However, this is
sufficient to give a fair idea of how the Khoja Shia
Ithna-Asheris of East Africa adhered to their faith
and practice, how they sacrificed for upholding what
they believed in and how they walked across the
borders into the remotest part of the Continent as
torch bearers of their religion and culture.
.
(11) Haji Karim Alarakhya, a senior member of Khoja
Shia IthnaAsheri Community in Zanzibar, in his
statement to the editor of the 'Trade Directory and
History of Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheris in East Africa
and Congo' gave an interesting account of one such
incident which took place during the Arab Sultanate
in Zanzibar. He said:
"In the days of Seyyid Majid, the Sultan of
Zanzibar, the Customs Authority was controlled by
Jeraj Shivji and Tharia Topan. After his death, Syed
Barghash ascended the throne. Syed 8arghash sent for
Lakhabhai Kanji and asked him to take over the
management of Customs, but Lakhabhai politely
declined. The Sultan insisted, but Lakhabhai
remained adamant. Then the ruler asked him to
recommend someone reliable and experienced who would
accept the responsibilities. Lakhabhai recommended
Haji Nasser Lilani, who was then entrusted with the
management of both the Zanzibar Customs, and other
Government services. When Syed Barghash died, Haji
Nasser Lilani himself organized the Coronation
ceremony of the Sultan's brother, Syed Khalid"
(See Federation Directory or History - page 187)
(12) 'Salsabil' (Memorial issue for Hami-e-lslam,
Marhum Gulamhusein MohamedVali Dharsi). Issue 3-4
{of the 19th year of publication) Zilqad, Zilhaj,
1380, April-May, 1961).
The late Mulla Husein A Rahim then first class
Magistrate, High Court Zanzibar) in his glowing
tribute to Marhum Gulamhusein M.V. Dharsi said
"If religious propensities, deep love for Ahlul
Bayt, propagation of the teaching of Imam Husain
{A.S.) coupled with humility, generosity, fear of
God, profound religious knowledge and whole-hearted
adoption of its principles can bestow any greatness
on a man, then one must acknowledge that
Gulamhuseinbhai was a great Shiah of this era."
Gulamhuseinbhai died on 11th March 1961 {23rd
Ramadhan 1380 Hijri) at Zanzibar.
(14) 'Salsabil' (Conference Issue) February 1946
(Rabi-ul-AwwaI 1365). Further acknowledgement of
Marhum Abdulhusein Sachedina (AZAD) as the first
visionary of a united and central organization can
be found in the Trade Directory and History of the
Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheris in East Africa and the
Congo, published by the Federation of Khoja Shia
Ithna-Asheri Jamaats of Africa in 1960.
In a separate article under the title "Federation na
Sacha Pita" (The true patriarch of Federation) the
editors write
"When the Community lay scattered and disunited,
with grudges being nursed in practically every
bosom, this young mind passionately and articulately
spoke of the 'Conference'. He gave y this dream to
the Community and left no stone unturned to see that
the dream was realized. His name will ever remain
glitteringly m engraved on the pages of the history
of the Khoja Shia I thna-Asheris in East Africa.
"This famous pen and lucid mind went into oblivion
while still on the ascendant. Before the world could
truly recognise and acknowledge his worth, 'AZAD'
was gone while still in the prime of his life The
impact and effect of his thoughts will remain
forever .
"It is difficult for one to forget this composed,
reticent but brilliant personality. O 'Azad', like
'ASEER ' of India, you are a source of perennial
inspiration for this Community. Our Myriad
Salutations!"
(Page 166. Trade Directory and History of the
Community published by the Federation of K.S.I.
Jamaats of Africa, ARUSHA 30th December 1960).
(13) The institution of MAJLIS of Imam Husain (A.S.)
created several Zakirs. These were ordinarily known
as the Mullas. In earlier days, these Mullas read
from the books specially compiled for the MAJLIS.
Some of them had the ability of preparing their own
discourses by selecting passages from various
reliable sources. Here again, .the books of MAJALIS
published by Marhum Allama Haji Gulamali Haji Esmail
of Bhavnagar, India, had proved of considerable
assistance. In Uganda, for example, his regular
monthly “Rahe Najat” provided enough material to a
Mulla for preparing an occasional sermon.
Among these Mullas, there were some who knew Urdu.
For them, magazines like "AL BURHAN " from Ludhiana,
Punjab, India, was a rich source of reference. And
then there were Mullas who knew Persian as well. In
Zanzibar, because of a steady but constant contact
with IRANI SADAAT and the Ulema from IRAQ, Mullas
were able to read and speak Persian with
considerable ease. In fact, there was a group of men
who, despite not being Mullas themselves, knew this
language extremely well. Persian helped the Mullas
to delve deeper into the original works of our great
Ulema .
Here, I give names of few Mullas whose contribution
cannot be ignored. Again, it must be observed that
this list iS in no way a complete one. An exhaustive
research is indeed necessary for preparing a full
list of the Mullas who rendered the sacred services,
most of the time on voluntary and honorary basis.
1. Mulla Abdulrasul Dewji. He lived in Zanzibar, and
later on migrated to Mombasa where he died at an
advanced age in 1976. A man of profound erudition,
he can be singled out as a Mulla who, beside his
knowledge of Urdu and Persian, studied Arabic
language as well. His Majlises were highly
successful. People hastened to hear his erudite
discourses which he wrote himself . His principle
subjects were Islamic History, Tafsir of Qur'an,
Irfan and Fadhail of Ahlul Bayt (peace be upon them
all). A voracious reader, he had numerous original
books in his personal library. Mulla Saheb was also
extremely helpful to the budding Zakirs. His written
tracts are in the hands of many new Mullas who use
them till today. In late fifties, Mulla Abdulrasul
Dewji began oral Majlises. In these later years,
despite his infirm state of health, he travelled to
Nairobi, and Jinja (Uganda) during the first ten
days of Muharram to give the benefit of his
orations.
2. Mulla Kassamali Ladha. He lived in Mombasa. In an
effort to reach the members of the Community, he
decided to give discourses in Cutchi language. No
doubt, this was a correct decision he had taken, for
people flocked to hear him whenever he went on
Mimber. Ladies and children enjoyed his preachings
better because they could understand him thoroughly.
He spoke their own language. And Mulla Saheb took
the maximum advantage of this language through which
he had become so lovingly accessible. He chose
community welfare, reform and strong bond of
fraternity as his principle themes of MAJLISES. His
conversational and modest style of rendering is
still being remembered.
3. Mulla Moledina Jaffer. He delivered his sermons
in Cutchi , and travelled far and wide to remote
Jamaats during Muharram. He also authored a handbook
for Zakirs, known as "NASIRU ZZAKIREEN" (The Helper
of Zakirs). This book is in Urdu, using the Gujarati
script. Perhaps he chose to do this because Urdu was
the commonly adopted medium in MAJALIS. He lived in
Tanga.
4. Mulla Ahmad A. Lakha Kanji. A great orator of the
Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheri Community, well known for
his lucidity, and masterful style of delivery. He
is, in fact, a linguist. Apart from English and
Gujarati, Mulla Saheb speaks Urdu and Persian with
great ease and facility. He is among the best
Zakirs. The contents of his MAJAliS have always
emphasized the moral values in human life, Fadhail
of Ahlul Bayt (peace be upon them) and social
reform. He travelled far and wide, sometimes upto
Madagascar, to give the benefit of his useful
sermons. A man of impeccable manners and modest
disposition, Mulla Ahmad lakha evokes affection and
reverence together at the very first contact. As I
write, he is in the decline of his life, ailing
because of infirmities brought about by the advanced
age. So is the divine design for every mortal. May
Allah keep him.
5. Mulla Husein A. Rahim. He read his Urdu
discourses prepared and written by himself. In spite
of his multifarious social and professional duties,
he always found time to serve the cause of Islam and
Imam Husein (peace be upon him). Mulla Saheb was
also a prolific writer. Several tracts, essays and
commentaries of DUAS, written in English, exist to
his credit. Principal among these is the commentary
and apt translation of DUA-E-KUMAIL. He used to be
invited by various Jamaats for delivering speeches
on the occasion of Husein Day. Because of his modern
approach to religious topics, especially when he
made a comparative study of various ideologies and
Islam, Mulla Saheb was extremely popular as a Zakir.
He died in London at an advanced age. He is
remembered as a Zakir of great repute, and also as a
great social worker who served the Community in
various capacities for years on end.
6. Mulla Mohamed Mulla Jaffer. Born in Zanzibar, he
migrated to Mombasa after his brief stay in Lucknow,
India. He was a preacher and a teacher as well. In
fact, in the latter field, he remains a Mulla of
unsurpassed excellence. like his father Mulla
Jaffer, he taught FIQH and Urdu language. An
appreciable section of the Community in Mombasa,
most of them in their middle ages, would remember
Mulla Mohamed as a beloved religious tutor. He spoke
Urdu and Persian with considerable fluency. In his
earlier days, he read from the books when on Mimber.
later, he developed his singular style for orations.
He will a1so be remembered as the one who promoted
AZADARI of Imam Husein (peace be upon him) among the
youths who had steadily' begun to show signs of
indifference. He died in Mombasa at the age of 52,
in 1960.
As mentioned earlier, an extensive research is
necessary for treatinng the subject justifiably.
Names like Mulla Nanji Bhanji, Mulla Faateh Ali,
Mulla Jaffer Pardhan, Mulla Ali Mohamed Nanji, Mulla
Mohamedjaffer Nazerali, Mulla Rashid Nurmohamed,
Mulla Gulamhusein A.D. Musa, Mulla Ali Khaku Rajpar,
Mulla Hasanali Rashid Kermalf, Mulla H.M. Rashid,
Mulla H.M. Nasser, Mulla Gulamlhusein Kanji, Mulla
Abdulrasul Hassanali G. Khaki and many others will
ever remain glittering in the history of Khoja Shia
Ithhna-Asheri Community. I hope to carry out this
exercise at a later date, compiling a full list of
the Mullas, giving detailed accounts of their
contributions which form an inalienable part of
Khoja Shia history in East Africa.
(15) The following excerpt from Mr. U Maung Maung
Ta's speech is sugges1tive:
"This Conference is being held at a time when sad
accounts of our Ulama is emerging daily, at the
hands of an adamant despot I am aware that the
events I am referring to have not been given the
publicity it deserves -Silence maintained by the
news media is amazing. I wish to quote an extract
from a circular issued recently by the World
Federation of Khoja Shia Ithna-Asheria Muslim
Communities in London. I quote:
'There comes in peoples' lives when we can no longer
sit on the fence or in a corner. This is the time of
action so that we may be successful in stopping the
spilling of the blood of Aal-e-Rasool. A concerted
effort is required by each one of us.’
The World Federation has done a commendable job
during this crisis. As a matter of fact, we were in
the dark and we would not have known about the
persecution of our Ulama had it not been for one
such circular of the World Khojas."
(U Maung Maung Ta, President, The All Burma Shia
Muslim Organization, Rangoon - at the Inaugural
Conference of World Ahlul Bayt (A.S.) League held in
London on 5th August, 1983. He was referring to the
persecution of El-Hakim family in Iraq, and the
execution of six among them.)
(16) The World Ahlul Bayt (A.S.) League convened its
first conference in London from 5th to 7th August
1983. Among the participants were renowned Shia
scholars from nearly every country; prominent among
them were the following:
Syed Mahdi El-Hakim, son of Ayatullah Syed Muhsin
El-Hakim Taba Sarah.
Syed Muhammad Bahrul Uloom, a scholar of high
repute, an author of several tracts of high
learning.
Syed Muhammad Husain Fadhlullah, the great advocate
of Islamic unity in Lebanon.
Shaikh Muhammad Mahdi Shamsuddeen, the second in
command of Shia affairs in Lebanon after Imam Musa
Sadr. His masterly works on various religious topics
are read throughout the Arabic speaking world.
Syed Jawad Gulpaygani, son of the great Mujtahed of
our times, Ayatullah Syed Mohammad Redha Gulpaygani.
,
Syed Saeed Akhtar Razavi, whose contributions have
been adequately discussed in this book.
Syed Muhammad El-Musavi, the Wakil of Ayatullah
El-Khui in India. He is a devoted Aalim, renowned
for his learning and piety.
Dr. Saeed Rajai, Ambassador of Islamic Republic of
Iran to the United Nations.
Ayatullah Sheikh Jawad Al-Ameli, representing |
